Electoral
Reform: A Must
By
international standards, Mauritius rates highly as a
democratic country. Except for the brief period in the
1970s, when elections were postponed and a state of
emergency instituted – which historians will quite likely
say for the right reasons – elections are held within the
prescribed Constitutional provisions. Our Constitution has
worked well; politicians step down when the electors so
decide and there is nothing that portends any threat to our
democratic set-up in the future. Yet however well our
electoral system has served us to this day, we do need to
review, adjust and reform.
Virtually
all politicians accept that there is need to correct the
under-representation of the opposition produced by our
electoral system. But, as is wont with politicians
generally, winning parties or alliances have dragged their
feet or there has been disagreement between themselves (as
between the MMM and the MSM) over certain specific proposals
(the introduction of a certain dose of Proportional
Representation) such that the matter of electoral reform is
still in the starting bloc. With the case of Ashock Jugnauth
now before the Privy Council, the issue of electoral
corruption has been hogging the headlines once again. As far
as the long-term interests of the country are concerned, it
is immaterial whether Mr Jugnauth loses his case and a
by-election is held in Constituency No 8, or if the
government chooses instead to go for anticipated general
elections.
The
point to bear in mind is that the electoral fever that
usually accompanies such campaigns will drown all hopes of
electoral reform with no end in view. Can the fundamental
electoral reform issue be shelved on such pretexts? It
cannot. There are strong arguments militating for an active
interest and engagement by civil society with a view to
ensuring that free and fair elections should now ensue if
only with regard to the financing aspect of electoral
campaigns.
Electoral
financing by private companies and ethnicity are two of the
most pernicious elements vitiating the democratic process.
The perverse effects of ethnic-based politics is well-known
here, and there is, as Commissioner Sachs pointed out in his
report, no need to insist how powerful and rich corporations
have, through financial pressure, tried the world over to
influence those likely to make political decisions.
The
Sachs Commission had already in 2002 submitted a draft
Public Funding of Political Parties Bill which provided for
the establishment of a Fund which would receive funds
appropriated by Parliament and to be administered by the
Electoral Supervisory Commission. But while Commissions may
propose, it is left for governments to dispose. We do not
have to go very far to understand why parties that make up
governments have shown no disposition at all to ban
altogether any possibility of political patronage by
powerful companies. No one has legislated in favour of
public funding of electoral campaigns. There should be good
reasons for this state of affairs. Covert private funding of
electoral campaigns, as it is the case now, creates scope
for electoral monies to be kept under wraps, away from
public scrutiny. Public official funding will become subject
to audits by the relevant public authorities, thus making
political leaders accountable for electoral expenses
undertaken during the campaigns.
This should be a strong enough reason why politicians
are averse to the implementation of a transparent Public
Funding system.
Private
funding, apart from ensuring immunity from public
accountability, breeds corruption. It keeps alive commercial
corrupt lobbies bending the rules in their favour against
the public interest. It subjugates political parties to a
perpetual regime of submission to corrupt ethnicity and
protection of so-called minority rights. It acts against the
emergence of competent politicians leading the affairs of state.
It helps to maintain the nation in a fractured state, ever
prone to communal powers. It confers on a handful of
politicians or on single politicians the power to determine
the fate of votes expressed in the polls by deciding the
profile of Cabinets. It perpetuates a system in which
nationhood would last the duration of national day
celebrations.
So
many shortcomings! Can we hope one day for a better future
for our democratic process? Can we hope for a better future
with guarantees instituted for ensuring free and fair
elections for competing parties?
M.R.
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