Given the challenges our nation faces…

there will be no time for our leaders to engage in “witch-hunting” or “une politique de vengeance”

Interview: Milan Meetarbhan

* ‘When voters are unhappy with a government’s performance, no matter what promises are made, they will bring down the government’

* The ‘Missié Moustass’ leaks:  ‘The reputation/careers of some individuals may have suffered irreparable harm’


 The recent general elections in Mauritius, culminating in a sweeping victory for the Alliance du Changement, have sparked widespread discussions about their implications for the nation’s political landscape. The unexpected scale of the alliance’s triumph has raised pressing questions about the factors that influenced this outcome and the lessons it holds for the political establishment moving forward.

To delve deeper into these issues, we sought the insights of Milan Meetarbhan, who offers in this candid interview, a nuanced analysis of the electoral dynamics, the implications of controversial revelations, and the challenges facing the newly elected government as it seeks to address pressing economic, institutional, and democratic challenges. This interview not only sheds light on the key takeaways from the 2024 elections but also examines broader issues such as governance, accountability, and Mauritius’ place in the global arena…


Mauritius Times: It might be necessary to look into the rear-view mirror to better understand the reasons behind the largely unexpected sweeping victory of the ‘Alliance du Changement’ in the 2024 general elections and the lessons it holds for the political establishment across the board moving forward. What is your opinion on these two aspects

Milan Meetarbhan: I am not sure that anyone can dispassionately assess so early after the elections the reasons why there was such a massive swing from one election to another.

However, objectively at this stage the fact that this time there was a two-cornered fight whereas in 2019 it was a three-cornered fight might be one partial explanation. But then in 2014 there was a similar two-cornered fight with more or less the same protagonists and the result was very different. Another objective fact is that the MSM was reported to have obtained 37% of the vote at the last election but about 10% less this time round. So, in spite of all the freebies, the use of government machinery, the perversion of the role of the MBC, and so on, the MSM has lost 10% of its voters (maybe even more as it did not have the PMSD as its ally at the 2019 election and the PMSD may have its own share of the vote in the Alliance Lepep’s score in 2024).

The main lesson that the political class as a whole must draw from the results is that when voters are unhappy with a government’s performance, no matter what promises are made, allowances are granted, however much the opposition is vilified and freedom of expression is stifled, voters will bring down the government. In fact, the last-ditch efforts of a government that has lost the trust of the people can only make matters worse for that government as such moves are seen by the people as acts of desperation and acts of oppression.

* In hindsight, it’s clear that the last-minute dynamics in the final days leading up to election day, coupled with the evidence in the ‘Missié Moustass’ leaks which confirmed what were long suspected, played a crucial role in bringing down the MSM government. Do you think these revelations will have a lasting impact on the political landscape, or will they eventually fade into the background?

I am not sure that these revelations played a crucial role or not. The tide had swung against the government before the ‘Missié Moustass’ leaks. Whether these leaks amplified the swing is another matter — which time will tell.

But what these leaks did were to confirm what many people suspected, expose corrupt practices, expose the vulgarity, racism and manoeuvring of those in power — officially or unofficially. People were shocked at what they heard.

I do not believe that the shock and awe will fade so soon, and the reputation and/or careers of some individuals may have suffered irreparable harm.

* However, whether they fade or not, such illegal recordings of conversations—or phone tapping, to be more precise—could become a double-edged sword in the months and years ahead, potentially creating challenges not only for the new government but for any government, don’t you think?

It must also be said that the leaks raised serious issues about unlawful acts, which expose facts about those in power and enable voters to make informed decisions at elections. This is a debate which other nations have had before. We talk about protection for whistle blowers because we believe that at times exposing malpractices, albeit through unlawful means, may serve the public good. Where should the line be drawn? Certainly, exposing private lives may be a red line. But, on the other hand, should exposing corruption, abuse of power, or the condoning and concealing of criminal acts justify granting protection to whistleblowers?

The recent events will serve as a stark reminder to those in positions of power at any point in time that corrupt practices and abuse of power may come to the surface at any time. People in power may feel that they have immunity because they control the system. But tools available with modern technology and greater awareness of the population at large, mean that they can still be held accountable at any time.

* There’s been a lot of debate in recent years about how far elections in Mauritius are free and fair. Would you say that the 2024 elections were free and fair?

There is no doubt that the extent to which there was “vigilance” with respect to both polling and counting for the 2024 elections is unprecedented. This occurred as a result of the awareness created specially by Navin Ramgoolam over the years with regard to the electoral process.

A team set up by Dr Ramgoolam examined each and every step of the process over several months and recommendations were made to the Electoral Commissioner. In addition, training was organised for agents in every constituency since the beginning of the year. The extent to which people were sufficiently aware of risks to spontaneously gather around polling/counting centres in various constituencies, the day before polling was really surprising.

Did the enhanced “vigilance” of agents and citizens ensure that the results of the 2024 elections reflected the will of the people is something that will no doubt be studied by scholars and others in future.

However, it must be stressed that the proper conduct of polling and counting is not sufficient to declare that an election was free and fair. What happens before polling is also very important. If in the weeks and months preceding the elections, there is an abuse of the government machinery, misuse of public finds by a ruling party, gross manipulation of the state broadcaster, these are crucial in determining whether elections anywhere meet global norms governing elections.

* What about the view that the electoral outcome reflects a resurgence of “Mauritianism”, as some have suggested? Or could this be merely wishful political correctness, masking what was simply a rejection of the abusive and autocratic system established and maintained by the former regime?

I believe it is amazing how after some pundits had divided the country into two distinct political zones, the urban and rural zones and the notorious “4 à 14” with all its undertones, voters in every constituency across the island irrespective of demographic or other consideration voted in exactly the same way. The share of the vote in every constituency is almost the same and the margin between the Alliance du Changement and the Alliance Lepep is almost the same in every constituency.

This is remarkable. It shows that when it comes to certain core issues, which were canvassed in the last electoral campaign, there is far wider consensus across the board than some may think.

* With a new team in power, the issues of retribution and witch-hunting are bound to arise. While victims of the former regime are justified in seeking justice for past wrongs, it is likely that many who voted the MSM-led alliance out of power would prefer to focus on building a better future rather than revisiting the wrongs of the past decade through another cycle of political vendettas. What are your thoughts on balancing the pursuit of justice with the need to move forward?

I believe that the challenges facing our nation right now, whether it’s on the economic front or rebuilding institutions and confidence, are such that there will be no time for our leaders to engage in what you call “witch-hunting” or what has been described as “une politique de vengeance.”

However, these same leaders should not intervene in the work being carried out by professional, independent and impartial officials at the helm of enforcement agencies. They should not either instigate inquiries or stop inquiries. They have to allow justice to follow its course. This is what democracy and rule of law are all about.

If criminal offences have been committed and these meet the criteria which the Office of the DPP have always applied to decide on whether to prosecute or not, then the prosecution should proceed without any political interference.

Politicians should let revamped enforcement agencies do their work, and they should focus on addressing the serious challenges which our country is facing.

* There is clearly much work to be done across various sectors and at multiple levels, including assessing the current state of the economy and other key areas, redefining goals and objectives, and building effective teams, among other priorities. However, the public would expect to see tangible changes and results quickly. Do you see the government able to balance the need for restructuring and reform with the public’s demand for immediate results?

In any country when the people give such a substantial majority to a government, the expectations are very high. Concerns about cost of living, law and order and institutions are such that the people will expect immediate measures. In some cases, a change in personnel can on its own have a significant impact. In other cases, legislative reforms may be needed and will take some time.

On the economic front, some measures may be taken within a relatively short lapse of time, but they will not yield immediate results. It will be for the government to come clean and explain to the people what measures are being taken, what are their implications and what time it will take for positive outcomes.

* Constitutional reform will take some time, but one would expect quick results in the justice system, as well as in the fight against corruption and money laundering as well as the level of other major institutions. Do you think the new government can deliver tangible progress in these areas within the expected timeframe?

Many reforms will require prior consultations with the people, and these are then followed by policy formulation and, where necessary, legal drafting. These will take time. The Government manifesto proposes major new pillars of development.

The manifesto also acknowledges that establishing these ambitious new sectors of the economy will take time. The necessary legal frameworks have to be put in place, the skill sets required will have to be available through proper training, the investments required will have to be secured.

All these will take time, but the government will have to be candid with the people, explain what is being done and periodically report on progress.

* There is also much to be done in terms of consolidating our democracy, protecting freedom of speech, and ensuring broader political participation. How do you think the new government can effectively address these challenges while maintaining stability?

It is common knowledge that Mauritius has performed less well on various global indices on democracy over the last few years. The country expects that the new government will work to restore our image and performance in terms of respect for fundamental rights and democratic norms.

The new government’s manifesto promised wider consultations with stakeholders, civil society and the public at large. I believe that the motto has to be Participative and Inclusive Democracy.

The government also undertook in its manifesto to introduce protection of new fundamental rights to include the new generation of rights. I hope that these will considerably improve enforceable constitutional rights in the country.

* The issue of the Mauritius-UK deal has resurfaced — possibly for review or even rejection — following the election of Donald Trump. Mauritius’ diplomacy will face significant challenges in salvaging the deal if the new government wishes to pursue it. What are your thoughts on this matter?

The UK government has publicly stated that the “agreement” on Chagos announced before the Mauritian elections was a political statement and that negotiations on a future treaty will start after the elections. In the meantime there is a new President who has been elected in the US.

Though any future treaty will formally be one between the UK and Mauritius, we know that in fact it will in essence be a trilateral one. The new US administration may take a different view or at the very least may require more time to study the terms of any agreement. Of course, we have a new government as well and the Mauritian government may need time to take stock of what has happened so far and decide on the way forward.

We know that, following the election of President Trump, conservative forces in the UK and the US have been forceful in advocating the status quo regarding the Chagos. Their scaremongering tactics may influence the stance taken by the new US administration after January 20.

* Do you anticipate any shift in the diplomatic approach taken by the previous government, particularly regarding relations with the Western world and Asia?

I believe that the country expects the new government to redefine the role of the foreign service as it has promised to do in its manifesto. Many observers have said that Mauritius has not had a proper foreign policy for some time now. We have to modernise and upgrade our foreign service and better equip our professionals to deal with both conventional diplomacy and economic diplomacy.

Whilst we need to consolidate our relations with our traditional partners, it is also important that we take our relations with coastal states of the Indian Ocean and with the African continent to another level. Climate change and climate finance are crucial issues for us as a small island state and these are issues which require domestic policies and measures, but which rely extensively on regional and international cooperation.

* The ‘Manifeste Électoral’ of the Alliance du Changement will serve as a roadmap for the new government’s intended actions. While it is impossible to predict or judge the challenges that may arise, it is likely that the leaders of the LP and MMM will want to leave a lasting legacy, ensuring there is no repeat of their earlier unsuccessful alliance, don’t you think?

I believe the leadership of the Alliance partners and the parliamentary group as a whole will be fully aware of the immense responsibility, they have towards the nation which has given them such a clear and decisive mandate. In addition, as you say, the two seasoned leaders at the helm of government would no doubt also want to reconstruct what has been destroyed and make sure that the country can restore its reputation and the confidence of investors.

But, as you rightly say, the challenges and constraints that lie ahead cannot be ascertained yet. As the new government unravels what may have been concealed from the people, it may have to overcome several obstacles on its path to implement its policies.


Mauritius Times ePaper Friday 22 November 2024

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