Independence: Personal Recollections

Politics

With independence in 1968, optimists proved that independence could be embraced by all

By Sada Reddi

History today is written using knowledge from various fields, ranging from the arts to social and other sciences, and employing all kinds of methodologies. Oral sources have also been used to uncover the past in cases where documents are unavailable. It is in this spirit that the present article is being written — based on personal recollections of the political trajectory of certain aspects of Mauritian history, the concept of independence in the 1960s (or the lack thereof), and how it was gradually embraced by all to build modern Mauritius.

I grew up in a family that, on my maternal side, was deeply immersed in politics. In Port Louis, I remember my uncle, a taxi driver who used to transport Rozemont and Seeneevassen to their political meetings, coming to fetch my mother to vote in the municipal elections. He had painted his Vanguard red for that special occasion. When my mother returned, she told me that she had cast her vote after reading a few lines from a newspaper — which I now assume was a literacy test. Later, I learned that those elections were decisive, leading to the election of Dr Dupré and marking the end of proportional representation.

After settling in Mahébourg, my interest in politics remained strong; attending political meetings and playing football became my two favourite pastimes.

Independenceand Augustin Moignac

The first time I heard the word independence was in a speech by Augustin Moignac at an open-air trade union meeting at Pointe des Régates. There, he joyfully explained to his audience that the Gold Coast had become Ghana after gaining independence. It is possible that he had attended Ghana’s independence celebrations either as a trade unionist or as a member of the Mauritius Labour Party.

Later, at school, I enjoyed looking at posters titled Commonwealth Today, which were regularly displayed on the school wall. I remember seeing countries like Sierra Leone and Gambia gaining independence. However, I was most impressed by a poster on Nigeria, where I recall seeing a picture of Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa — a name I enjoyed muttering every now and then — inviting Queen Elizabeth onto the dance floor during Nigeria’s independence celebrations.

Other events that remain etched in my memory include the by-election in Grand Port-Savanne, where Jay Narain Roy, the Labour candidate, defeated Dr. Curé, the Bisoondoyalist candidate. Later that afternoon, I happened to be in my uncle’s car with Seeneevassen’s voice blasting through a loudspeaker, shouting Tamil words: Kireyilley. When I asked my mother what he was saying, she explained that in Tamil, kirey means brède (greens) and illey means had lost — a play on the words Curé and kirey.

The 1960s in Mauritius were dominated by the politics of independence, though I became conscious of it as a major issue on the political agenda only later. When the Mauritius Labour Party (MLP) lost Port Louis in the municipal elections, the defeat was attributed to the issue of independence, whereas their victory in Quatre Bornes was assumed to be due to the electorate’s favorable stance on independence. However, across Mauritius, it was the contest between the two political parties — the pro-independence MLP and the anti-independence Parti Mauricien Social Démocrate (PMSD) — that caught people’s attention.

At school in Curepipe, friends would arrive early in the morning, and before classes started, politics was the main topic of discussion, as our parents were supporters of one party or the other, and our daily morning paper was Action. As the 1963 elections drew near, meetings were held all over Mauritius. I attended them both in Port Louis during my vacation at my grandmother’s place and in Mahébourg, where I attended most of the meetings of both Labour and PMSD.

Independence’s divisive nature

I do not recall independence being a major issue in political speeches, partly because the MLP may have played it down, recognizing its divisive nature. The PMSD emphasized social issues, especially housing problems in the wake of cyclones Alix and Carol. However, from 1963 to 1967, as independence gained prominence, the political climate became tense, particularly in Curepipe, Vacoas, and Mahébourg, with tensions often triggered by PMSD agents.

In Mahébourg, a family friend who was a chief agent of the PMSD stirred tension when, in an unprovoked act, he assaulted the chief agent of the Labour Party in Trois Boutiques, resulting in rioting and deaths. This was followed by PMSD supporters going on a rampage at the Odeon cinema, harassing people. This strife was artificial, as most people on both sides knew each other and had friendly relations. For example, when one nicknamed Georges Colique saw the cake seller among the cinema-goers, he simply pushed his friend away with the blunt side of his sabre, and only a few people from neighbouring villages outside Mahébourg were targeted and wounded.

Political meetings became frequent, with John Stonehouse, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies, lending support to the Labour Party by participating in open-air gatherings. At Willoughby School in Mahébourg, his speech was translated by Harold Walter. I recall one particular sentence: “Nothing has been given to you on a platter; it needs hard toil and sweat,” emphasizing the necessity of hard work to achieve independence.

At St. Andrew’s School, students were attentive to the independence issue. It was debated in general paper classes, with participants like Kelly and Kailash Ruhee focusing on the economics of independence rather than abstract concepts of freedom or liberty. While primarily an academic exercise, these debates were not entirely devoid of partisan sentiments. At St. Andrew’s, it appeared that both teachers and students were predominantly pro-independence. Among the staff were Yvette Walter, wife of Harold Walter, the Minister of Works, and Raouf Bundhun, a future Labour Party candidate in Constituency Number 4. The most noticeable change that independence brought was the departure of English teachers. In December 1967, John Russan served as the last English warden, succeeded by Reverend Rex Donat, the first Mauritian warden of St. Andrew’s School.

Several months earlier, in December 1966, when elections were announced for August 1967, election campaigns intensified, with meetings held across various constituencies. I attended gatherings in both Port Louis and Mahébourg. In Ward IV of Port Louis, multiple meetings took place, with a fierce contest anticipated between Gaëtan Duval and Michael Leal. PMSD meetings attracted large crowds, with the stout Abdool Carrim emerging as the favourite orator, known for his forceful and humorous language. In Mahébourg, Labour meetings occurred in various localities, while PMSD gatherings were primarily held in the courtyard of the magistrate’s court.

Political meetings were held across various parts of the constituency by both parties. The main PMSD gatherings featured songs and music by Fanfan and his associates, followed by speeches from various orators. Emmanuel Bussier introduced Koenig as a ‘lion steak,’ while Raymond Devienne delivered portions of his speech in Hindi. Dr. Maingard criticized the government’s housing policies, arguing that constructing homes in close proximity undermined residents’ privacy. Among Labour Party speakers, Harold Walter stood out for his powerful imagery, and Sewgobind Sharma captivated audiences with his mellifluous Hindi, even though I couldn’t understand the language.

The election campaign unfolded through open-air meetings, the press, and television. Discussions on freedom or liberty associated with independence were largely absent; instead, both parties concentrated on immediate socio-economic concerns. The Independence Party, comprising the Labour Party, the Muslim Committee of Action (MCA), and the Independent Forward Bloc (IFB), emphasized economic and social development, promising foreign assistance post-independence. Conversely, the PMSD and its allies highlighted the benefits of retaining British passports, potential emigration opportunities, and implications of Britain’s entry into the Common Market for Mauritian sugar.

‘Hindou Mon Frère’

Ethnic tensions during the campaign were minimal, notably as the PMSD adopted the slogan ‘Hindou Mon Frère.’ Overall, the campaign and elections proceeded peacefully, except for an incident in Plaine Verte where a skirmish escalated into racial riots. The election outcome was uncertain, dividing the nation between optimists and pessimists. The prevailing atmosphere was one of fear and doubt about the future, especially against the backdrop of the Congo crisis and civil war during those years.

Analyzing the distribution of ethnic groups across the 21 constituencies, it was anticipated that urban areas would favour the PMSD, while rural regions would support the Independence Party. This expectation suggested a potential hung parliament or coalition government, a scenario that the British had always favoured in order to prevent a breakdown of law and order. However, unexpectedly, three rural-urban constituencies — Vacoas-Phoenix, Vacoas-Floreal, and Port Louis-Montagne Longue — voted for the Independence Party, granting it the majority needed to govern. This turn of events led to independence under an Independence Party government, whereas a different outcome could have resulted in independence under PMSD leadership.

After independence in 1968, the major events were Ramgoolam’s policy of “No Victor, No Vanquished,” which led to a coalition government aimed at healing the corrosive divisions of the country and launching it on the path of economic development; the postponement of elections and the declaration of a state of emergency with the rise of the MMM; and the diversification of the economy, along with intense diplomatic contacts to put Mauritius on the world map and secure as much foreign aid as possible. It is the laudable effort to industrialize the country that marked the major success of post-independence Mauritius and the emergence of modern Mauritius.

Professor Meade

Although Professor Meade had provided a blueprint for Mauritius with his 154 recommendations — which included the setting up of an export sector with tax holidays, an economic development board, and other suggestions — it was only in the 1968 Ringadoo austerity budget that the creation of an export-processing zone was announced and an industrial estate planned at Plaine Lauzan. With membership in the Yaoundé Convention and the Sugar Protocol ensuring Mauritius a stable revenue, the country confidently embarked on industrialization. However, it took two years between the announcement of an export-processing zone in the budget and the passing of the Export Processing Zone Act No. 51 in 1970. During these two years, government ministers, officers, and entrepreneurs explored the concept of the free zone and its implementation in other countries.

The concept of an export-processing zone as a manufacturing sector for exports was first implemented near Shannon Airport in Ireland in 1958 and subsequently spread to Far Eastern countries such as Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea, Malaysia, and the Philippines. Extensive visits to these places by entrepreneurs, government delegations, and officials convinced many that the creation of an export-processing zone was the solution for Mauritius. Jose Poncini, based on his personal experience in watchmaking in Mauritius, had broached the idea with Professor Meade when the latter was consulting Mauritian stakeholders. Professor Lim Fat launched and popularized the idea at a conference in November 1969 in Reduit, and in February 1970, further impetus was given by a lecture from Professor Wyn Reilly of the University of Manchester on the factors that led to the success of the Shannon model and how some of these factors could be applicable to Mauritius.

During those years, the implementation of the free zone became a necessity in the eyes of many — such as the delegation that visited India led by C. Sunnasee (which included Jose Poncini among others), Minister Jagatsingh, who was impressed by the free zone sector in Kaohsiung, Taiwan, and Guy Marchand, Minister of Commerce and Industry, following official missions to Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore. A report was prepared around March 1970 by the Ministry of Commerce and Industry, and by that time there was unanimity among the new entrepreneurs and members of the government. Professor Lim Fat recalled that after meeting Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam, matters accelerated, leading to the EPZ Act, quickly followed by a large promotion mission in the Far East.

Import-substitution industries

Mauritius thus groped its way toward industrialization. It was already manufacturing several products such as cigarettes, beer, paint, soap, margarine, toothpaste, beauty products, shirts, metal doors, edible oil, fibreglass, shoes, and copybooks, which saved the country Rs 10 million in foreign exchange. However, Mauritius did not have the know-how, capital, marketing networks, or even the infrastructure to start exporting from its factories. Local capitalists had diversified into import-substitution industries, tourism, insurance, and commerce, and those from the agricultural sector did not believe in the export-processing zone.

In the 1970s, Mauritian Chinese entrepreneurs — with business networks in Asia and cultural affinities with entrepreneurs from Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Japan — were able to attract foreign industrialists to Mauritius to set up factories on their own or in partnerships in various sectors, though it was textiles that gradually emerged as the dominant sector.

In the 1970s, company names such as Floreal Textiles, Corona Clothing, Alliance Spinners, Bonair Knitwear, Crystal Textiles, International Fashions Ltd, and others, as well as a few European and South African firms with Mauritian partners, became prominent. Foreign investors from Asian countries brought their capital, technology, and marketing networks, sustained in the 1980s by a buoyant world economy. In factories owned by foreign proprietors, the capital was 100%, while in joint ventures with local entrepreneurs, it was 50%. Similarly, cultural affinities played an important role as some French and other groups began to invest in the EPZ.

There were several difficulties. Several electronic enterprises did not take off and had to close, and Motorola did not establish its office in Mauritius due to inadequate telecommunication facilities. With the Lomé Convention signed in 1975, Mauritius exported 83% of its goods to Europe without quota or duty, but several countries, including France, the US, and Canada, imposed quotas on textile goods. The table below shows the number of factories, jobs, and the value of exports between 1971 and 1984.

                                            1971     1976                 1982                 1984

No of enterprises          9         85                     115                   197

No of jobs                         644       17405               23870               35573

Value of exports           3.9        308.6                1235.5              2100

Source: ‘La Zone France. Etapes d’un success story’ by Daniel Wong Ng

A Five-Year Plan (1971–1975) was prepared and implemented. It prioritized job creation and turned out to be a resounding success — it created 52,000 jobs and achieved 10% economic growth. This strategy of development on capitalist lines was successful and laid the foundation for economic diversification and industrialization.

The evolution of the country from a colonial outpost to modern Mauritius was achieved in the post-independence period from 1968 to 1975. Ever since Ramgoolam had called for self-government in his proposals at the Second Consultative Committee and Rozemont had expressed hopes in the 1950s that Mauritius would become independent, constitutional development had inched toward full autonomy and independence in fits and starts.

With independence in 1968, optimists proved that independence could be embraced by all and was a viable and feasible proposition — one that would allow people to live and thrive in a free, democratic country through hard work, sweat, and toil. It was a dream for many — but if one wanted it enough, it would materialize.

Mauritius Times ePaper Friday 7 March 2025