India’s Syncretism and Tolerance

Opinion

Despite not being a “little India,” our deep historical, cultural, and people-to-people ties with this economic giant inspire confidence that political dialogue can elevate our special relationship to new heights

By Jan Arden

India’s vastness, democratic values, tolerant Hindu ethos, and rich diversity are a legacy of millennia of history, predating the Vedic age and the Harappan civilization. The Harappans exemplified equitable trade in agricultural produce, building materials, silk clothing, and jewelry craft, fostering mutually beneficial development without land or resource grabs. Their metaphysical and spiritual belief in a Supreme Being did not necessitate forced conversions.

When that civilisation ended, probably through geological rifts and the drying up of the once mighty Saraswati River, many of their peoples migrated east, south or to the higher slopes of today’s Iran. What was left was exposed to multifold experiences and events over recent centuries when a divided sub-continent failed to resist successive invasions by Turko Afghan and Mughal forces before suffering the indignities of colonisation by a more ruthless and conniving trading and merchant empire: the Brits. The Mughals, like previous invaders of the country, grew fond of India’s opulent wealth and were in the process of becoming Indianised ceasing to regard themselves as strangers, notes Reginald Reynolds in his pre-War book « White Sahibs in India » :

« Akbar, the grandson of Babar, founder of the Mughal Empire, ruled from 1542 to 1605 over the greater part of India and maintained complete religious toleration. Already the Mughals, like previous invaders of the country, were in the process of becoming Indianised: they had ceased to regard themselves as strangers and had no home but India. Cultural forces had also been at work for years to blend the rival traditions of race and religion into what was slowly becoming a synthesis of Indian character. »

Regardless of whether that view was simplistic or naive, Portuguese missionaries denounced Akbar’s perceived atheism, accusing him of “the common fault of the atheist, who refuses to make reason subservient to faith.” Despite this, Akbar, a doubter with limited formal education, was the greatest political strategist of his age and arguably a benevolent despot. He bears a striking resemblance to Cyrus the Great, the beloved Persian ruler and founder of the first recorded empire, whose contributions have been overshadowed by Western focus on Greece as the cradle of civilization.

Orthodox Moslems did not like Akbar either, as a contemporary historian noted: «[by listening to local erudites and theologians] there grew gradually… the conviction in Akbar’s heart that there were sensible men in all religions, and men endowed with miraculous powers, among all nations. If some true knowledge was thus everywhere to be found, why should truth be confined to one religion?» Akbar’s successors were pressured to end that syncretic legacy and some became cruel despots, leaving deep scars that linger to this day.

Yet under Bharat’s vast welcoming umbrella, many alternative viewpoints of the Universe or sets of beliefs have found root or room to grow over centuries: Sikhism, Jainism and Buddhism being most often cited. The degree of spiritual freedom expressed so powerfully at the recent Kumbh Mela where hundreds of millions of all Hindu denominations converged at Prayagraj, is unparalleled.

India has made room for communities persecuted elsewhere from early Christians to Zoroastrians fleeing intolerance in their lands and many will proudly point to their economic growth into conglomerates as evidence of that tolerant Hindu ethos which makes India a fantastic land of opportunities for all who care to set aside their narrow victimhood or disruptive narratives. Hindu renaissance is neither aggressive, nor threatening as some portray, it is more simply a powerful reconnect with its ancient roots, without having to justify itself.

Today’s Bharat against all odds and the west’s largely biased narratives, has reinvigorated democracy at home, with more than 800m voters at Lok Sabha elections and invited its citizens under the leadership of Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi – elected massively for a third term in 2024 – to focus on the ideals of “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas, Sabka Prayaas” (“Together with all, development for all”).

In a speech to the judiciary (2021), PM Modi declared his attachment to the Indian Constitution: “On the strong foundation of separation of power, we have to pave the path of collective responsibility, create a roadmap, determine goals and take the country to its destination.” His unassuming lifestyle and unrelenting drive to stamp out corruption in various Indian states has earned him grudging respect even from his most vocal critics. He is also a remarkable statesman able to talk with and hug leaders of the G7 or the G20, navigating the strong crosscurrents of the Ukraine conflict or the warring Middle-East complexities, with consummate deftness, while having largely restored pride to its enterprising diaspora across the globe.

Narendra Modi’s visit to our shores as chief guest of our National Day celebrations has been a considerable honour bestowed both on Dr Navin Ramgoolam personally and on the country at large as Bharat has been a steadfast ally in our progress. From hospitals to academia, from major infrastructure (e.g. the Metro, as yet unpaid for or the Agalega infrastructure) to maritime and helicopter patrol vessels, from IT industry, capacity building to national security, from geopolitical alignment on the Chagos issue to economic partnerships, the repertoire of Indian assistance and collaboration has undoubtedly been vast and multi-pronged, for which the nation can be immensely grateful.

The fact that we share deep historical, cultural and people-to-people ties with an economic giant whose voice is heard and respected in many international fora (e.g. green energy, environment), though we may not be « little India », we are confident that the personal talks between our political leaders can take that special relationship to new horizons.

Mauritius has an extensive economic maritime zone to patrol and evaluate for undersea resources, and we will certainly need technical and logistical assistance that traditional allies like France and India can provide. Few, if any, countries would have gifted us the infrastructures developed on Agalega. We do not see the need to keep a shroud of secrecy and opacity over the Memorandum of Understanding, since it is in both countries’ legitimate interests. Through shared intel, improved logistics, or capacity-building, both can play an essential role in helping our services effectively prevent or deter drug trafficking in the region.

The damage done to our relationships with France over the handling of the Wakashio shipwreck, the distinct lack of cooperation in finally extraditing drug operative Franklin, and the abrupt end to the Mangalore oil supply contract must be set aside as we forge ahead. IT and financial sector collaboration can and should take us out of the era of reliance on property sales as the only new pillar of growth with a necessary revamp of the EDB’s role, functions and oversight. Both France and India can also provide expert advice or assistance in a drive to uproot endemic corruption in our public procurement processes or to stem social media misuse that raises tensions.

At the time of writing, the main thrusts of this new era of India-Mauritius cooperation are not known but we are confident that chemistry and history aiding, we can confidently look to the future even on choppy waters.

Mauritius Times ePaper Friday 14 March 2025